Wednesday, 10 October 2012

ISOFOTON S.A WINS COURT CASE AGAINST THE GOVERNMENT OF GHANA.


An Appeals Court in Accra Ghana, on Wednesday threw out an application filed by the Attorney General of Ghana against a High Court ruling ordering the payment of 1.3 million Ghana Cedis as judgement debt to Isofoton S.A.
The Attorney General has been engaged in a protracted legal battle with the Spanish Company since the high court awarded it a judgement debt in July, 2012.
Isofoton is a global company, which operates in over 60 countries including Ghana. They are involved in designing, manufacturing, and supplying Solar Energy products. Its activities are centered in three technology categories: Photovoltaic, Thermal and concentration.
 It must be recalled that the former government of Ghana led by John Kuffour (who ruled from 2001 to 2008)
contracted Isofoton S.A through the Ministry of Food and Agriculture and also the Ministry of Energy to supply and install solar powered water pumping irrigation systems and solar electrification project in remote areas in Ghana, under the second Ghana-Spanish Financial Protocol. But unfortunately, the then government terminated the contract without following due process which the company saw as unlawful termination of a legal binding document and therefore sued the government of Ghana of which the high court ruled in favour of the company to be paid an amount of 1.3 million Ghana Cedis by the government of Ghana. This compelled the government of Ghana through the Attorney General to appeal against the decision at the appeal court which the government has lost again. There was no immediate response from the government as to whether they will further battle the case at the Supreme Court which is the highest court of Ghana or will just throw in the towel by paying the money as ruled by the court.                                                                                           
Speaking to the press after the ruling of the court, the Country Representative of Isofoton S.A, Mr.Anane Agyei Forson said “the Isofoton matter came to court of appeal on Wednesday and government has lost the matter.”

According to him “the High court ordered that the judgment debt should be paid to us and they filed a stay of execution, and that stay of execution was also dismissed. So they went to court of appeal and today the Court of appeal says they have no case.”

“It means that they have no case and that the judgment stands and that government have to pay us.” He concluded.

A TEST OF TIME FOR THE ELECTORAL COMMISSION OF GHANA


Ghana's Electoral Commission has proven robust in trying circumstances in the past. But the coming elections this December may test its capabilities like never before.
A re-drawing of constituency boundaries has provoked cries of foul play and, although lauded in the past for impartiality, the electoral commission faces difficult challenges
The commission's chairman, Kwadwo Afari-Gyan, has previously been widely praised for his integrity and steeliness. Indeed, he had planned to retire after the 2008 election but was persuaded to stay on.
In the build up to polling day, one issue is dominating above all else - the electoral commission's introduction of 45 new constituencies. In theory, the rationale behind this is simple. The commission has full constitutional authority to alter constituency boundaries after an appropriate review, and the new boundaries, while not perfect, aim to equalise the population size of different constituencies.
However, the constituency review has been widely challenged, with the most compelling criticism focussing on its timing. It was only at the start of October that parliament - by an 81-56 margin, with a large number of MPs abstaining - confirmed the parliamentary elections will be fought on 275 constituencies, up from 230. As opponents have pointed out, it is almost unprecedented for changes in electoral rules to occur so close to election dates unless dishonourable motives are at work. We need only look back to Kenya's 2007 elections and the disruption within the Kenyan Electoral Commission in the months before the vote for such an example.
But is such criticism fair in the case of Ghana? Afari-Gyan, after all, has displayed his commitment to democracy over 20 years; a 'rigger' he is not. But it does seem true that, as is the common complaint, he has become increasingly obstinate and unwilling to listen to constructive criticism. Even if the motivation behind the creation of 45 new constituencies is above question, the same is not true of the implementation and presentation of the policy.
From a purely practical point of view, for example, the timing has been challenging for parties who must develop the organisational capacity - and in some cases, find suitable candidates - in time to fight an additional 45 seats.
Particularly worryingly, however, has been the fact that the reaction to Afari-Gyan's plans has been profoundly polarised along party lines. While the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) has largely supported the redrawing of constituency boundaries, the opposition New Patriotic Party (NPP) have not been shy to cry 'gerrymandering'.
At a press conference last month, Afari-Gyan addressed concerns, speaking for three hours in which he emphasised that the commission had done more preparation for the constituency changes than they are normally afforded credit for. His reassurances appear to have worked to an extent.
It is fortunate he has developed such a bank of goodwill due to his shrewd and impartial handling of previous elections. Without this to fall back upon, allegations would have been taken more seriously, and the attitude of the NPP towards the changes may have moved from opposition to outright confrontation. As it is, there remains the sense that the election should still fundamentally pass as normal; the NPP's decision to contest all 275 constituencies, rather than boycott the newly created 45, is highly encouraging.
Also promising is that the electoral commission has gained attention not only for its controversial constituency re-drawings, but also for its new text service. In a bid to ensure the voter register is as accurate as possible, the commission launched a system whereby voters can text in and, for 1 Ghanaian cedi ($0.40) check whether their voting details are correctly logged.
Some who used the service complained to Think Africa Press that the text confirmation was slow or had not come at all, and others criticised the fact the service stops almost three months prior to the election, but programme nevertheless marks a useful - if currently imperfect - innovation.
So where does this leave the race? The US Ambassador to Ghana recently spoke of how the Ghanaian elections would "mirror" those of the United States. Although he was referring to the freedom to vote, his words could also have concerned the political context of the elections. For, rather like in the US, Ghana's incumbent is on course to win a close election despite an economic record criticised by many. Of course, the comparisons are far from perfect - least of all the fact that the Ghana's president, John Mahama, has only been in office since John Atta Mills passed away in July.
It is widely acknowledged that Mills' death has increased the chances of the NDC retaining control of the presidency. As well as the potential phenomenon of the sympathy vote that is well-known to political analysts, Mills' death may also have damaged challenger Nana Akufo-Addo by drawing attention to his age.
Aged 68, Akufo-Addo was actually born a few months before the late Mills, and would be almost 77 by the time he completed two presidential terms. That Mahama is almost 15 years younger allows him to present himself simultaneously as a youthful, anti-establishment challenger - especially considering Akufo-Addo has family ties to three of the "big six" founding fathers of the nation - as well as the respected incumbent. It could well prove to be an effective - if slightly paradoxical, especially given that Mahama's father was an MP - election-winning mix.
One intriguing possibility is that the presidential and parliamentary elections will be won by different parties. But rather than leading to American-style paralysis, such an outcome could prove beneficial in Ghana. Differences between the two main parties do exist but arguments tend to be based on matters of competence rather than ideology.
Moreover, a common criticism of both the ruling NDC government and the 2001-09 NPP government that preceded it was that too much time was spent investigating corruption charges of their predecessors. 'Cohabitation' might present a challenge in the fight against corruption, but could lead to a higher quality of governance.
But that is for later. For now, Ghanaians are more concerned that the election passes peacefully. After the experience of 2008, there is ample room for cautious optimism - but the electoral commission and both parties must work together to ensure Ghana's status as an African success story can be maintained.

Monday, 8 October 2012

IVORY COAST RE OPENS ITS BORDER WITH GHANA


Ivory Coast announced it would reopen its border with eastern neighbour Ghana on Monday, more than two weeks after it was closed over a series of deadly attacks which Ivorian officials said were launched from Ghanaian territory.
The Ivorian government blamed the raids, which targeted police and army installations in the commercial capital Abidjan and a border town on Sept. 20 and 21, on supporters of former president Laurent Gbagbo currently living in exile in Ghana.
Ivorian Defence Minister Paul Koffi Koffi said in a statement broadcast on state television late on Sunday that both countries had reinforced security along the border "with the aim of stopping all incursions".
"As a result President Alassane Ouattara decided that from Monday October 8, 2012 at seven in the morning the land and sea borders will reopen," he said.
Though Ivory Coast reopened its airspace to flights from Ghana on Sept. 23, the closure has blocked the main transportation route along the Gulf of Guinea, stretching from Ivory Coast to Nigeria.
Ghana has promised to help investigate the attacks, which further worsened relations already strained by Accra's refusal to act on international arrest warrants targeting former members of Gbagbo's regime issued by Ivory Coast last year.
Meanwhile, Ghana’s foreign minister Alhaji Mohammed Mumuni has welcomed the reopen of the border which he described as a step in right direction which will affirm the dedication and commitment the two countries shares from time immemorial. He further said Ghana will do all it can by collaborating with their Ivorian counterparts to avert such unfortunate incident in future. It must be recalled that the president of Ghana John Dramani Mahama in his speech before the United Nation General Assembly in New York said Ghana will not allow its territories  to be use to destabilize other countries which the minister said Ghana still stand by that.  
Gbagbo's refusal to accept defeat in a 2010 election won by Ouattara sparked a brief war last year that killed over 3,000 people. He is currently awaiting trial before the International Criminal Court in The Hague on charges of crimes against humanity which analyst believe is what the basis for these clashes is.
          

MEMORY DOWN LANE (THE MURDER OF THE THREE HIGH COURT JUDGES IN GHANA)


The murder squad said that at the time they abducted and murdered the judges, they knew they were carrying out operations on behalf of the governing PNDC.
It was a pitched dark night on June 30, 1982. As was the norm in the early part of the so-called revolution, a curfew was in place throughout the land. So when the knock on the door became persistent, the household felt it could be a relative needing some assistance.
The house-help ventured out.  There was a man in northern smock with others lurking in the dark. “I am looking for madam,” the man said. In her innocence, she replied that the woman of the house was in. She was indeed breast feeding her baby, after leaving her in the care of the house-help the whole day, while she went about her business of presiding over one of the high courts in Accra.
There were smiles on the house-help’s innocent face when she entered the living room and told the nursing mother, breast-feeding her baby that there was someone at the door looking for her. When Mrs. Justice Cecelia Koranteng Addo ventured out, men in smock pushed her into a waiting vehicle.
The abduction process was so fast that by the time her husband, Dr. Koranteng Addo, a lawyer of repute could know what was happening, the wife had been whisked away. The worried husband made desperate attempts to alert the police and later the Chief Justice.
But with curfew in place, venturing out was a risky business. By the time he managed to get the information through, it was common knowledge in town that three high court judges and an army officer had been abducted in the night. Their whereabouts were unknown.
By the next morning, the news and all conversation in town was about the abduction of three judges -Justices Kwadwo Adjei Agyepong, Poku Sarkodie and Mrs. Cecelia Koranteng-Addow and a retired Major in the Ghana Armed Forces, who was the Administrative Manager of the Ghana Industrial Holding Corporation (GIHOC), the industrial conglomerate owned by the state.
The Chairman of the military junta, Flt. Lt. Jerry John Rawlings was forced to broadcast to the nation. In those days, the state broadcaster, the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation, which radio and television outlets provided the only link between breaking news and the mass of the people.
When the leader of the so-called revolution, in his military fatigue came on radio and television, he announced that three high court judges and an army officer had been abducted by “enemies of the revolution”, and pledged government’s determination to find and rescue them.
Apparently, Lance Corporal Amedeka, Tony Tekpor and Dzandu, all soldiers, had taken their captives to the Bondase military firing range and executed them. The murderers carried along a gallon of petrol with which they set fire to the bodies to destroy all evidence.
By the time the murderers left the firing range with the bodies in flames, they were convinced that their captives would burn beyond recognition and identifying them would not be possible.
God, Almighty, has his own ideas though.  It was June, the traditional rainy season. But there was drought in the land. Somehow, it managed to rain that night, within the Bondase location only. The rainfall doused the fire. So when a shepherd tending his sheep chanced upon the bodies and reported the matter, a search team managed to identify all the four victims.
An official statement issued by the government said the four bodies had been found in the Accra Plains. For those of us allergic to Geography, the Accra Plains is the low-lying grassland along the coast, stretching from Saltpond to Aflao. How four bodies could be strewn over all that expanse of land, was what gave the game away.
Following an outcry from all corners of the country, the Provisional National Defence Council set up the Special Investigation Board headed by former Chief Justice Mr. Justice Azu Crabbe to unravel the mystery. It turned out that all the three judges were sitting on review cases brought by citizens aggrieved by the treatment meted out to them by the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council that the military junta formed after June 4 to administer the nation, and was headed by Flt. Lt. Rawlings.
The army officer, Major Sam Acquah, was the head of administration who had signed dismissal letters for some GIHOC workers, including Joachim Amartey Kwei, whose services were terminated for invading Parliament House and destroying property.
The SIB established that the abduction and murder was a plot hatched with the connivance of members of the Provisional National Defence Council. The Board found that the plot was master-minded by Capt. Kojo Tsikata, PNDC Member in charge of National Security.  The PNDC though, rejected that aspect of the report.
The culprits were in prison, when on June 19, 1983, there was a jail-break at the Nsawam Medium Prisons and the Ussher Fort Prisons. L/Cpl Amedeka escaped from captivity and has since not been seen. But his three accomplices, Tony Tekpor, Dzandu and Hekli, as well as ex-PNDC Members Amartey Kwei, were executed by firing squad.
From abduction to execution, there were several twists and turns in the saga. In the first place, all the three accomplices of Amedeka, were residing at the Boy’s Quarters of the Ridge residence of Flt. Lt. Rawlings and his wife, Nana Konadu Agyeman Rawlings.
It so happened that the key to the vehicle used in the abduction was kept on the dinning table of the Rawlingses’ residence. The murder squad said that at the time they abducted and murdered the judges, they knew they were carrying out operations on behalf of the governing PNDC.
They indeed confessed to carrying out similar operations, particularly in the Volta Region, where some well known personalities were killed in mysterious circumstances. One of the notable characters who allegedly fell at the hands of Amedeka’s death squad was Yeye Boy, a prominent traditional spiritualists at Ho, who was killed and his body displayed openlyat the Ho Sports Stadium.
One interesting outcome of the saga was a tape said to have been recorded by then Chairman Rawlings himself, just before the guns rained on Amartey Kwei, in which the penitent person allegedly exonerated  Kojo Tsikata.
The tape was said to have been handed over to Mr. Kojo Yankah, who edited the Daily Graphic at the time. For the uninitiated, Kojo Yankah and his revolutionaries at the state newspaper had changed the name of the newspaper to the People’s Daily Graphic, apparently to reflect the revolutionary spirit of the time.
When the contents of the tape were published, the act incurred the wrath of the general public who accused the chairman of the PNDC of being insensitive, by extracting words from a penitent person and getting them published.
In the usual comical means of doing things, the government ordered the removal of Kojo Yankah from Graphic, obviously as a result of the embarrassment the publishing of the contents of the tape had generated.
The murder of the judges has become one of the black spots in the political evolution of this country. That is why when NDC Chairman, Dr. Kwabena Adjei threatened the sitting Chief Justice and her men and women on the bench, it was wildly condemned.
“If they do not clean their act, we shall clean it for them. There are several ways of killing a cat,’ as pronounced by Dr. Kwabena Adjei brought back the painful memory of June 30, 1982, and its repercussions.
The abduction and murder of the three judges and an army officer would always remind this nation of the sordid past, when a few people cowed down the citizens of this nation, so that they could rule with iron hands without resistance. The decade of culture of silence complained about by the main architect of the coup of December 1981, has its genesis in the event of June 30, 1981.
Yesterday marked the 29th anniversary of that sordid deed. Let this nation rise up against those who still cling to the notion of using force to cow down the citizens of this nation. There may be corruption in some aspects of work of the judiciary. After all it is a human institution.
As a matter of fact, I do not believe there is any aspect of life under John Evans Fiifi Atta Mills administration devoid of corruption. This administration is steeped in corrupt practices. It is unfair to demonize the bench as a means of getting the Chief Justice removed. We no go sit down!
CREDIT: EBO QUANSAH

Thursday, 4 October 2012

FROM THE ARCHIVES,POLITICAL GIMMICKY OR FACTS?


 Dr. Mahamadu Bawumia who nearly missed the nomination to partner Nana Akufo-Addo, the New Patriotic party flagbearer, for the second time as a result of intra-party factionalism over his suitability, allowed over ambition for his candidature to drive him into hanging his dirty linen in the public eye.
Eaten up by the prospect of getting a shot at the Vice Presidency for the second time, Dr. Bawumia, in the heat of the turf war over his suitability as running mate, within the NPP, made an appearance before NPP Party elders and announced himself as a cuckold!
According to a revealing article in the April 2012 edition of the Africa Watch magazine, the man, who has been beaming with smiles before television cameras, since he resigned his high profile job as a banker to become running mate, is far from the happy airs that he puts on – behind the plastic smiles Dr. Bawumia is reeling from his wife’s alleged infidelity.
In the last paragraph of an article on page 34 of the Africa Watch magazine, it is revealed that: “Bawumia has admitted to party leaders that he is going through a very difficult time in his marriage with Samira Ramadan following allegations that his wife was having an affair.”
In the same paragraph, the top shot banker is reported to have hurriedly assured the party leaders that he would not seek divorce but that he intended to reach an understanding with his wife to avoid any distractions to the impending campaign towards the 2012 elections.
The publication of the Dr. Bawumia blurt by the magazine comes to reveal a cool headed and gentlemanly Dr. Bawumia, who as a popular contrast to the war-mongering and scandal prone Akufo-Addo, was recently paraded before media cameras as an economics sage, for the real person he is beyond the sweet façade.
According to insiders, the current strategy within the NPP is to project a “seraphic and erudite” Dr. Bawumia as the new face of the NPP’s 2012 campaign.
On the sidebars, there are talks that Dr. Bawumia sent the wife packing from their matrimonial for over six months and only brought her back to their home because of his running mate ambition.
However, from the publication, the erudite banker is exposed as a desperate social climber within his party, where he is prepared to dishonor his wife for position.
The revelation also exposes him as a cuckold who was conveniently prepared to ascend the Vice Presidency with an immoral wife, so long as his ambition is not upset by a scandal breakout.
Thick in the details of the factors that drove Bawumia into kicking dirt on his wife’s name for sympathy from NPP party elders, according to Africa Watch, was stiff opposition that he came against from top party people who considered him as persona non grata.
While his late father, Alhaji Mumuni Bawumia’s roots to the NDC and the CPP were constantly referenced in the justification to deny him the running mate slot, the likes of Paul Collins Appiah Ofori, MP for Asikuma Odoben Brakwa, belittled the erudite banker as only fit enough to being a Governor of the Central Bank – but never the Presidency.
In the matter of the disagreement over Bawumia’s suitability too, Africa Watch reveals that the old tribal turf war between Ashantis and Akyems in the NPP was reignited with the Ashantis kicking against Bawumia, while the Akyems, comprising mainly of Akufo-Addo and his family members, in sheer despise for the Ashantis, defiantly swung for the banker. In the internecine tribal war, Haruna Esseku, JH Mensah, Ama Busia, Kwame Amoako Tufuor, Hackman Owusu Agyemang, Kofi Konadu Apraku, P.C Appiah Ofori, Paapa Owusu Ankomah and Osei Kyei Mensah Bonsu, lined themselves against Bawumia.
It was only Akufo-Addo and his Akyem kindred within the NPP who held on to the choice for Bawumia, in despise to eh Ashantis position.
Despise for Alan Kyerematen, the Ashantis version of a proper successor to President Kufuor, according to information, was the main thing that belay Akufo-Addo’s choice for Bawumia even though the banker was said not to be a card bearing member at the time of the search for running mate.
According to Africa Watch, Nana Addo viewed Bawumia as someone who could succeed him after his tenure if he became President, and that the continuity would serve well to frustrate Alan Kyerematen’s dream of becoming President of Ghana any where soon.

THE PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE FOR THE NEW PATRIOTIC PARTY AKUFFO ADDO SPEAKS ON CORRUPTION IN HIS CAMPAIGN TOUR IN GHANA


Thank you all for your presence this evening at this auditorium to talk about a subject that is of interest to all of us. I refer to corruption. A university campus and an audience of mainly young people must surely be the appropriate venue for such an important conversation. 

As I go around our country in the course of this election campaign, taking the NPP’s message to the people, I am struck daily by the sheer volume of work that we have to do in all spheres of life in this country to make the lives of our people more tolerable. 

Our needs are many. We must build more and better schools and equip them to cope with the 21st century, we have to train our teachers better and pay them better, we need more doctors, nurses, laboratory technicians, we need more engineers, we need potable water, we need better roads, we need to build railways, we need modern airports (not ones with potholes on the tarmac), we need better sanitation, we need well-equipped workshops to train our artisans, we need to find hundreds of thousands of productive well-paying jobs for the young of our country, people, and everybody listening to us this evening can add his or her own must-do to the list. 

Then you think about the statistics that say we have to invest some $6 billion every year for the next ten years simply to make up our infrastructure deficit. Then you think of the arguments that some are making that Ghana cannot afford to educate her young people to secondary school level because, they say we do not have the means and we cannot afford to do so, at least, not for the next 20 years, and this from a government whose leader is a beneficiary of free secondary education. 

And you know it is time to confront the problem of corruption so that what resources we have are used prudently and urgently to promote the national interest. It is time to confront the real problem of corruption and the perception of corruption because even the perception of corruption leads to a general lowering of morale among the population. 

Corruption has been a debilitating factor in the management of our public finances so far, and it has become an even more dangerous factor now that we have oil and our economy is expanding but not creating the needed jobs. As experience around the world has shown, if we do not get our basics right, the increase in our resources envelope will spell disaster instead of providing the means for us to solve the many problems that we have, the so-called oil curse. 

I hope all of us in this room are aware of the dangers corruption poses to our nation. But it is worth bearing in mind that it is not only the headline corruption, the type that involves politicians, that retards our progress and hinders our development. The driver who knowingly puts a faulty vehicle on the road with the intention of paying bribes to the traffic policeman, the policeman who takes a bribe to allow an unlicensed driver on the roads, the planning official who allows a house to be constructed on the waterway, the customs official that accepts a bribe and allows goods in without the payment of duties, the officials that allow drugs to be imported into and exported out of our country and all the everyday petty bribe taking that we all put up with. All such actions constitute corruption and retard our progress even if they do not attract headlines. 

Tonight, though, I want to concentrate my remarks on corruption in government and by politicians. Unless we tackle this problem, we run a real risk of cynicism overcoming our politics and thus of a catastrophic loss of confidence in our democracy. 

Ghana cannot afford this, our forebears did not struggle for Ghana to end up in such a sad state of affairs, and I believe that we can, in this generation, deliver the economic transformation that has eluded us so far if we do the right thing.

Corruption has to be defeated; it reduces revenue to the state; it holds back our economic growth; it leads to the flight of capital out of the country and it inflates the cost of running government. It results in a loss of legitimacy and respect for legally constituted authority. Corruption demoralises honest people and fills them with uncertainty, mistrust and fear. It stifles initiative and creativity and dampens motivation. It undermines the merit system of rewards, appointments and success and it encourages mediocrity, laziness and incompetence. 

Governments all over the world are plagued with corruption. Except that, under some governments, like our current one, the disease becomes a raging epidemic. Corruption on any scale is expensive and has been especially expensive to Ghana’s development under this third NDC government. 

Mr. Chairman, it is true that corruption is not an exclusively Ghanaian problem. And countries that have oil, in particular, have had real difficulties in coping with oil resource generated corruption. We can learn from the experience of others that, once branded corrupt, it is almost impossible to have normal commercial relations with the rest of world. 

Since independence in 1957, some 55 years ago, corruption has been a perennial problem for successive governments and in trying to address the problem, various governments have introduced a host of policies and measures, including some unconventional and draconian ones. 

We have promulgated anti-corruption decrees with provisions for lengthy jail terms; we have confiscated the personal assets of public officials believed to have been corruptly acquired; we have declared zero tolerance against corruption; we have appealed to the good sense of the Ghanaian through moral crusades for integrity and given sermons on the sins of corruption; we have passed anti-corruption laws; we have strengthened anti-corruption institutions and undertaken public sector, financial management and institutional reforms; we have also ratified regional and international anti-corruption conventions as an expression of our commitment to the global fight against the menace of corruption. And we have even tied people to the stake merely on suspicion of their being corrupt and shot them dead. 

We have done all these, we have the laws, we have the institutions and yet the problem persists. What is worse has been the emergence of the cynical use of the problem by the NDC for purely political gain. 

You would recall that during the last election in 2008, in an attempt to win votes, the NDC launched an all-out propaganda onslaught against the NPP government. Some of the allegations were so outlandish they should have been laughed at and dismissed. Who among us would forget the document that purported to show that Kufuor and his ministers had more money in one relatively small local bank than all the capital assets of all Ghanaian banks put together? I think I was placed somewhere in the middle of that list. We were falsely accused of stealing Ghana’s entire gold reserves from the vaults of the central bank. 

Needless to say, four years on, the NDC has not been able to prosecute or convict a single NPP Government official or party functionary for corruption. On the contrary, all the evidence today is about corruption by NDC government officials and their supporters. The state of affairs would seem to give credence to that other cynical slogan of “Obiaaba, saa”, which is what our opponents would like the electorate to believe so they can cover their disrespect for the electorate. This time around, however, there is an important difference, political opponents are not digging up dirt or smearing government officials with manufactured lies. The large scale corruption in the government has been exposed by no less a personality than the Attorney General of the Republic.

So, should we just throw our hands in the air in despair and say nothing can be done or do we take stock and examine if there may be some new, fresh approaches to tackling corruption that might be more effective? 

Ladies and Gentlemen, I do not think we can throw our hands in the air, and it is not true that “Obiaaba, saa”. There are differences. We have a responsibility to work to grow confidence in our politics. We have to work together to tackle this. We, in the NPP, understand that the good people of Ghana are weary of the debilitating impact of pervasive corruption on our society and simply want their government to fix the problem. They want it fixed not with words but action. Improving the scale of integrity in society is an unwritten mandate of every government, but fighting corruption is a constitutional imperative imposed on the State, headed by the President and government. Indeed, Article 35(8) of the constitution of our Republic enjoins the state to “take steps to eradicate corrupt practices and the abuse of power”. With your help, I want to be the President who fixes the problem of corruption in our country.

Fellow citizens, I, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, have a strong personal commitment to fighting corruption and, along with my party, the New Patriotic Party, we have thought long and hard about how to turn that commitment into practical policies and programmes that will have a real impact on reducing significantly the damaging spread and cost of corruption. 

The NPP Government of President John Agyekum Kufuor showed its commitment to the fight against corruption through the enhancement of anti-corruption legislative framework. We recall the passage, among others, of the following laws: 
Public Procurement Act 2003 (Act 663)
Financial Administration Act 2003 (Act 654)
Internal Audit Agency Act 2003 (Act 658)
Financial Administration Regulations, 2004 (L.I. 1802)
Whistleblower Act 2006 (Act 720)
Anti-Money Laundering Act 2008 (Act 749)

I do not claim that these sets of laws solved the problems but they certainly helped to begin to change attitudes. Unfortunately, with the coming into office of the NDC, a cavalier attitude was adopted to these laws and deliberate attempts have been made to frustrate the intentions behind the legislation. I refer here, in particular, to the bastardisation by the NDC of the Public Procurement Act.

Ladies and Gentlemen, so what will an Akufo-Addo administration do to tackle the problem?

It is my belief that the fight against corruption must start with an incorruptible President. I can assure you, in all humility, that I am not, have never been and will never be corrupt. I can also assure you that as your President, I will NOT condone corruption in my Government. I bring to the table and to the Office of President of this great country an unblemished track record of personal integrity and fortitude. I invite you to bank on my essential leadership attributes and make me your president. I will lead a strong fight against corruption in this country. 

I shall aim to bring about a sustainable reduction in corrupt behaviour to protect the public purse and offer the Ghanaian people value for their money to improve economic and social development.

Mr. Chairman, Distinguished Ladies and Gentlemen:
Permit me to use this platform to reiterate what I have already told my colleagues, party leadership and associates here and abroad: if your idea is to make corrupt money in Government, then there will be no room for you in my government. If you think of public office as a shortcut to making money, then find some other venture to engage your time and energies, because there will be no room under an Akufo-Addo government for self-enrichment in politics. The NPP is certainly a pro-business and pro-people party, and my government will provide an atmosphere conducive for legitimate businesses to flourish, but making corrupt money as a politician or through politics during my tenure as President is not an option that I am prepared to tolerate under my watch.

I believe the time has come for us to end the business of going into politics to enrich ourselves. We need, as a people, to change the culture of seeking wealth through politics and seeing politics as an avenue for financial gain. This approach to politics has debased what should be the essence of public office - the spirit of service for the common good. I, as your President, will lead by example, and will not allow corrupt, greedy and self-serving politicians in my Government. And I urge you, fellow Ghanaians, to hold me to this sacred promise.

Ladies and Gentlemen, 
The declaration of assets is a constitutional obligation imposed on the President, the Vice President, Ministers, deputy Ministers, and holders of senior level positions in the Judiciary, Parliament and the Executive. I certainly intend to declare my assets, as I have always scrupulously done and shall demand from my Ministers that they declare their assets within the statutory period. I recall that the late President John Atta Mills, may his soul rest in peace, made great play to the gallery, just as some others are doing today, about how he would publicly declare his assets and his ministers would do the same; and yet when it came to it and the press made investigations, many of his Ministers had not even declared their assets, within the stipulated period. My own view is that the nation will benefit from the public disclosure of the declared assets but I also acknowledge the strong views that some people hold and the cultural sensitivities that exist in our country about property ownership in our society. 
I believe that Parliament should be the proper forum to debate these questions that are being asked and, as President, I will ask the honourable House to revisit promptly the matter on a bi-partisan manner and put it to a free vote, which, hopefully, will put the matter to rest in all our interest. I will accept whatever the outcome of such a vote would be.

My Government will pass the Right to Information Bill into law. We will strengthen the access to information in every Ministry, Department and Agency. We will also improve the archival management, including record keeping and information retrieval systems in the public sector, to facilitate the effective implementation and utilisation of the Right to Information Bill when it becomes law. We know that transparency protects officials and the public in dealing with the public purse. The public have the right to know what politicians and public officials do in their name.

Experience shows, Mr Chairman, that we have to go beyond just passing the appropriate laws and designing Anti-Corruption Action Plans. Ultimately, the only way to ensure that the strategies are implemented and corruption is combated is to mobilise the necessary political will. Indeed, I believe that political will is the most critical ingredient in the fight against corruption everywhere. My government will cooperate with investigations of anti-corruption agencies so that they function effectively without let or hindrance.

An Akufo-Addo government will also:
Improve governance and management practices in the public sector to eliminate the bad management practices that lead to corruption;

Amend the relevant sections of the Criminal and Other Offences Act (1960) Act 29, particularly sections 239-257, to make corruption a felony rather than a misdemeanor;

Introduce stiffer punishments for corruption to make it a high-risk, low-gain activity and make the theft of state funds more expensive for the criminal;

Support and provide anti-corruption institutions such as the CHRAJ, Economic and Organised Crime Office (EOCO), Financial Intelligence Centre (FIC) and the Ghana Police Service with greater financial resources to recruit, train, engage and retain a large number of technical personnel to investigate and fight corruption throughout the country;

Provide the requisite resources to ensure the vigorous implementation of the National Anti-Corruption Action Plan (2012-2021) developed by a coalition of anti-corruption experts and institutions led by CHRAJ; 

Introduce legislation to improve corruption reporting, investigations and follow-up systems, and to make it: (a) compulsory for every head of a public sector institution to establish and effectively operate an Anti-Corruption Policy and Unit and (b) a criminal offence for a public official to fail to report corruption;

Work with appropriate state institutions such as the National Commission for Civic Education (NCCE), CHRAJ, the Public Services Commission and the Ministry of Education to develop an integrity-centred core curriculum of ethics for public office holders at all levels;

Continue with programmes to shed the light of transparency and accountability in governmental processes throughout the country; and

Institutionalise, what I call, the “Anas Principle”, to create a culture of positive fear to discourage corrupt practices. A special squad, made up of some of our best young talents, who will be well trained and well disciplined, will be created within the established anti-corruption agencies to keep the fight against corruption alive everywhere in the country. 

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen,
The NPP has a track record of protecting the public purse and we will even endeavor to improve on the record. I am afraid it is not possible to say the same about the current government.

Under this government it is difficult, Mr Chairman, to find any evidence of any attempt to get value for money in any public financial transaction. In all my years in public service, until 2009, I had not come across such a blatant and costly disregard for the principles and obligations of democratic accountability by a constitutional government under a democratic rule. Under the NDC, the abuse of public office for private gain has grown in scope and scale to become one of the gravest issues affecting the economy and governance in the country. Let me give you just a couple of examples. 

The 5.7km Ofankor-Achimota Road, which the NPP was constructing with GH¢43.2 million, has, after a 3-year delay, just been completed by the NDC for GH¢137 million. That amount, fellow Ghanaians, is only GH¢20 million less than the GH¢158 million the NPP was going to spend on the 31.7km Nsawam-Suhum stretch, to build a dual carriageway with asphalt concrete surfacing and an interchange at Suhum.

Public contracts are now routinely awarded by sole sourcing. Very worrying is the fact that this sole sourcing regime is most prevalent in contracts awarded from two key ministries, Education and Roads. 

We have heard Members of Parliament on the Minority side allege that over 80 per cent of public procurements are awarded by sole sourcing; the government has not bothered to contradict them. The blatant disregard of the legal requirement to subject public contracts to a competitive tender process is denying the people of Ghana value for their money. I do not use such strong words lightly:

Section 13 of the Public Procurement Act (Act 663) states: 
The [Public Procurement] Board shall within three months after the end of each year, submit to the Minister [of Finance] a written report indicating the activities and operations of the Board in respect of the preceding year. 

The annual report shall include a copy of the audited accounts together with the Auditor-General’s report and the Minister shall as soon as practicable after receipt of the annual report submit the report to Parliament with such comment as the Minister considers necessary.

In this report the Minister must explain to Parliament why certain procurements were done through sole sourcing. Fellow citizens, my information is that not a single such annual report has been submitted to Parliament since the NDC was voted back to office in 2009. It is probably not a mere coincidence that under the NDC, the Chairman of the Public Procurement Authority, is a presidential staffer, whilst the CEO is a former NDC MP. During our time we followed the law and appointed known and respected technocrats to head the PPA.

As I speak, the 2011 Auditor-General’s Report has not been laid in Parliament. This ought to have been done by the end of June 2012. If one recalls that it was the 2010 report, which was laid on the due date, that exposed the judgment debts scandals, one wonders if there are any more such scandals lurking within the report to explain the delay in the laying of the 2011 Auditor-General’s Report. 

Then there are the inexplicable rises in the cost of government projects. A six classroom block that was being built at some GH¢85,000 4 years ago, under the NPP, is now priced at over GH¢240,000. This means the NDC is spending three times more money to build the same type of schools that the NPP was building. These are the types of things that undermine confidence in government and limit our capacity to develop. 

The same trend can be seen in operations in the road sector. The effect of the Public Procurement Act in the award of road contracts is vividly demonstrated by the difference in costs between NPP and NDC constructed roads, where sadly, the NDC resorts mainly to sole sourcing. The Minority Leader, the Honourable Member of Parliament for Suame, Osei Kyei-Mensah Bonsu, has already made the case that while the construction of one kilometre of asphalt covered road carried was between $450,000-$600,000 under the NPP, it now costs between $1.4 million and $1.6 million, under the NDC. The consequence of that kind of inflated cost of construction is that in the last 3 years, less than 1,000km of roads have been added to the road network as compared to the annual NPP average of 4,750km. Such is the expensive nature of road construction these days that we are even told that luxurious BMW 7 series are now purchased as project vehicles for Road Ministers. A better Ghana it is, indeed, but it appears only for the chosen few…

Since the payment of judgement debts is very much in the news and government spokespersons have sought to use the “Obiara ba, saa” argument to defend criminal behaviour, it is worth pointing out that in all the first four years of President Kufuor, beginning with me as Attorney General and Yaw Osafo-Maafo as Finance Minister, I am informed that less than GH¢4 million was paid out in judgment debt. Last year, the NDC admitted to paying some GH¢642 million, almost equivalent to the GH¢676 million annually that my government, God willing, is pledging to spend on improving and expanding facilities and teaching at our secondary schools. No wonder the NDC is shouting from the rooftops that Free SHS is impossible. Their focus is mainly on expenditure that benefits them and their cronies and leaves the people of Ghana without the basic amenities to improve their standard of living. An Akufo-Addo government will spend on things like Free SHS that will over the next four years benefit more than 2 million of our children.

In less than four years, this government has spent more money than the NPP did in 8 years and yet they have little to show for it. Secondly this government has borrowed more money than all other governments put together in 52 years. I ask, as all of us must ask, “na sika no wo hene?” 

Mr Chairman, with the NDC set to launch their 2012 manifesto tomorrow, I think it is important to remind them and- even more so, the electorate of just one key promise they gave in 2008:

They said that by the end of 2012, the NDC would have “created a society in which corruption is punished, and probity, integrity and dedicated service are applauded and appreciated.” Linked to this were the following promises and I quote: 

As a party committed to Social Democracy, the NDC seeks partnership with Citizens to eradicate corruption by  deepening political accountability and transparency in government enhancing the disclosure of budgets, public expenditures and procedures adopted in public procurements. 

The new NDC government shall enact into law the Freedom of Information Bill to facilitate access to official information, buttressing our commitment to disclosures.

The NDC will introduce a strong program of encouraging citizens to demand accountability and “blow the whistle” on corrupt officials and practices. 

The NDC Government will revise the law and format for Assets Declaration in order to make it more functional and effective in ensuring probity and accountability. 

Simply put, NDC will make corruption a high risk activity for political and public office holders.

Perhaps, the President will be kind, accessible and affable enough to tell Ghanaians why his government chose to break the promise they made to Ghanaians on corruption and in the process give politics a bad name.

It is not difficult to understand, Mr Chairman, why Ghanaians are skeptical about President John Mahama’s commitment to fighting corruption. Indeed, two of the most controversial international transactions associated with this government, or any other government of the Republic for that matter, the $10 billion STX housing deal from Korea and the Embraer 190 Jet and the accompanying $17 million hangar from Brazil were both led by him in his capacity then as Vice President.

The President in his major policy statement said he would appoint a Sole Commissioner to, in his own words, “to thoroughly examine the judgment debt and negotiated settlement conundrum”. With all respect, Mr President, what Ghanaians really need is their money back, that is what they need. It is very clear to Ghanaians that at least GH¢360 million of these payments made to Woyom, and others were bogus. We urge our care-taker President to, as a matter of urgency, focus on expediting the legal process to retrieve the money and return it to the public purse. We don’t need a sole commissioner to review a matter that is already in court. We want our money back! 

Ladies and Gentlemen, This then is the NDC record. The record on which they are trying to stand today.The record upon which they seek four more years. Fellow citizens, your verdict should be ‘No! ’ It’s been four wasted years. No more! No more payment of huge sums of money for no work done. No more misapplication of public funds. Enough is enough! 

We need to protect the public purse. We need to protect our future. We need to change now and move Ghana forward. 

Come December 7, Mr Chairman, by the Grace of God, and with your mandate, if I am elected President, I, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, give you my word, I will protect the public purse jealously. I pledge to ensure that the nation gets value for money to improve public services and drive the important agenda of economic transformation. Ghana deserves this and the NPP, under my leadership, will deliver this. 

Mr. Chairman,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
I thank you sincerely for your kind attention.
God bless you
God bless Ghana.


Tuesday, 2 October 2012

STUDENTS KILLED IN NIGERIA


Some 25 people, mostly students, have been killed by unknown gunmen in Mubi, a town in north-eastern Nigeria, police say. A local resident said at least 40 people had been shot dead or stabbed. The killings come days after a major operation against the Boko Haram militant group in the town, while others have linked them to a dispute over student union elections. Rivalries over student elections have turned violent before but have never reached this level, says one resident who wants to be anonymous. Mobile phone masts in the area were recently attacked by Boko Haram militants, so getting information from Mubi is difficult.Investigations were under way, said Adamawa state police spokesman Mohammed Ibrahim, who had just visited the scene, adding that the motive for the attack was not yet clear.But he said the attackers had inside knowledge: "The attackers called the victims by name and killed them."Two of the dead were security guards and the other an elderly resident, said Mr Ibrahim.One resident who also did not want his name to be used, told the BBC's Hausa service that men in military uniform went to a hall of residence away from the Federal Polytechnic Mubi campus just before midnight, got the students out of their rooms and ordered them to say their names.Some were then shot dead and others stabbed with knives, and their bodies left in lines outside the buildings.He said it was not clear why some were killed and others spared - some of the dead were Muslim while others were Christian."Everybody is scared," he said, adding that the shooting lasted for about two hours.He added that students were now leaving the town, many with tree branches over their cars - a traditional sign of neutrality in Nigeria.The authorities have imposed an indefinite curfew in the town and ordered residents to stay indoors.The university has been temporarily closed.Last week, the Nigerian military carried out an operation in Mubi and arrested dozens of people over suspected links to Boko Haram.Mubi is in Adamawa state, which has a mixed Muslim and Christian population and borders Borno state, where Boko Haram came to prominence in 2009, staging an uprising in the state capital, Maiduguri.Boko Haram has not yet commented on the Mubi attacks.It is fighting to establish Islamic law in Nigeria and has killed more than 1,000 people in numerous attacks across northern and central areas this year.
CREDIT: THE BBC